Abstract
Existing research has highlighted the differing meaning of hair across groups and its relationship to gender, race, fashion, and identity. In this paper, I examine how Black women experience their hair and how much it influences their interactions with and experience in the world. Understanding Black women’s experience with their hair provides important information about minority identities in a continually diversifying world. By analyzing literature and conducting two focus groups with Black college women, this research engages in a conversation about beauty standards, hair and the Black experience. Focus groups were transcribed and analyzed thematically, in conversation with existing literature. My results indicate that Black women have vastly different individual experiences with their hair, while navigating the challenges of American beauty standards, social judgment, offensive commentary and cultural appropriation. Moreover, while women’s relationships with their own hair differed, their external experiences, from accessing hair products to interpersonal microaggressions and cultural appropriation, follow similar patterns due to the social structures that make navigating life more challenging. I conclude by discussing the not only implications of my results for inclusivity across identity and appearance, but also the resilience and love that the Black women on Denison’s campus have embraced despite their hardships.
Key Words
Beauty; Hair; Racial Identity; Resistance; Womanhood; Cultural Appropriation
INTRODUCTION
The Black experience is one that has been devalued for far too long. Black women especially have been historically
undermined and underrepresented in important discussions. One of those includes beauty and hair. With American beauty
standards centered around European features and styles, Black and African American women have struggled to fit themselves
into these expectations. Because of this structure, Black women are often spotlighted and chastised for how they present
themselves. From going on a date to a job interview, Black hair has been critiqued for centuries, being criticized for its
differences from straight, sleek hair. These internalized societal expectations lead to a challenging reality for women who cannot conform to that expectation.
Furthermore, that causes experiences of self depreciation, identity questioning, and altered interpersonal relationships.
At the same time, this experience has also fostered solidarity, personal strength and self love.
In this research, I set
out to learn the experiences of Black women in regard to their hair, and how they shape their everyday life. By conducting
focus groups among Denison University's student body, Black and African American identifying women agreed to share their
experiences about their own hair, how it impacted their interpersonal experiences, and how it shaped themselves. The research
aims to add more experiential knowledge to the conversation around race and beauty, while also challenging society to broaden
their minds around beauty and self-expression.
LITERATURE REVIEW
I. Hair, Beauty and Societal Expectations
Fashion has an assumed definition that is surrounded by traditional European influences that send the newest pieces of clothing down a runway.
Yet fashion is so much more. Fashion spans from self-expression to a reflection of your own reality, (Aspers 2013). It is argued that fashion is
not limited to a piece of clothing or a visual trend but can span across all disciplines in our lives. According to Aspers (2013 p. 171),
“fashion is an unplanned process of recurrent change against a backdrop of order in the public realm.” In other words, fashion is only a fluid
projection of the external world and how each individual chooses to engage with it. Therefore, fashion can describe much more than just a piece
of clothing, but a form of self-expression based on one’s reality.
In an effort to expand the definition of fashion, hair plays an important role in self-expression. As a part of the body, hair is used as an agent
of expression, beauty, practicality, professionalism, and social shifts. The body as an entity has been used as a form of expression for as long
as has been recorded. Much like fashion, Reischer (2004) argues that the body is a capsule that is constantly modified in response to the social
world. From one’s assimilation into a social group to an alteration in social status, body modification has deep connections with how society views
us as individuals. Furthermore, this idea of how we are viewed is framed within the social standards of beauty.
For most of modern life, beauty standards have centered themselves around European styles and expectations. Lighter skin, straighter hair,
smaller waists and minimized curves have dominated beauty culture. As a combination of gender expression and the sexual gaze, these standards
of beauty have affected the entire world across cultures. Connecting the body as a capsule of social influences, these beauty standards make
historical sense. Along historical lines, with colonization, slavery, and capitalism, the western world has forced its values onto the entire world.
Because of those historical reasons, beauty standards have similarly followed this pattern. As a result, people from cultures and societies that do
not identify or align with western cultural beauty standards struggle with fitting into social standards.
One of the influenced communities that have frequently been undermined for their diversions from European beauty standards is African American
and Black women. From hair to skin color, Black women have been berated and disrespected for the way that they look while being oversexualized,
stereotyped, and ghosted in American society. Black hair has been a point of contention regarding beauty because of its visual differences from
these traditional American standards. While traditional European beauty standards may not have accepted Black hair as fashion and beauty, it has
a deep history of being used for self-expression, (Majali, Coetzee and Rau 2017). It is argued that among African cultures, hair is important
since birth. As a symbol of status, fashion and expression, hair has been used in many ways to accentuate one’s own identity. Nevertheless, there
have been shifts in viewpoints toward Black hair. “Historically, hair symbolized for Africans who they were and where they came from. But, with
the advent of slavery and colonization, the natural relationship of Africans to their hair became challenged. Especially for African Black women,
the relationship since then has been like a roller coaster ride– lunging between positive and negative emotions as they move between trying, on
the one hand, to obtain straight hair in order to fit into Western societies’ assessment of beauty, and on the other hand, trying to appreciate
their natural hair,” (2017 p.170).
II. Theorizing Black Hair: Oppression and Black Women's Social Location
In a world where everyone navigates the social constructs that work to benefit some, and harm others, it is important to recognize the intersectional
oppression in which Black women face. Intersectionality, a theory by Kimberly Crenshaw, describes the multilayered systems that intersect in someone's
life, placing people into a hierarchy based on oppression. Here, Black women confront both gendered and racial systems of oppression. For one, women are
not a statistical minority, but are continuously overlooked, hypersexualized, and over criticized for their decisions. In every aspect of life from sexual
relations to careers, women have been scrutinized and their abilities undermined. Layered on top of gendered expectations of women, Black women face
racial discrimination that has obviously stemmed from the institution of Slavery. As described by Zora Neale Hurston in her work, Their Eyes Were
Watching God (2018), the Black woman is often seen as the mule.
“Honey, de white man is de ruler of everything as fur as ah been able tuh find out. …de white man throw down de load and tell de n***** man tuh pick it up.
He pick it up because he have to, but he don’t tote it. He hand it to his womenfolks. De n***** woman is de mule uh de world so fur as Ah can see,” (Hurston, 2018: 14).
Where the Black man is perceived to do the work, Black women are actually carrying the physical and emotional burden for the Black and the White man.
While times have continued to create social shifts, this intersectional weight that Hurston describes so eloquently, exists across time.
While the times have changed, Black women have carried a racial and gendered burden from the inception of Slavery. This struggle is not exclusive to racism.
Colorism, for example, has played a major role in creating intra-racial hierarchies. Instead of being racially discriminatory, colorism is the judgment of
people based on how light or dark their skin may be or what their hair texture is, (Robinson, 2011:361-363). It parallels racism, spreading thoughts of whiteness
as desirable and darkness as objectionable. This has created a hierarchical ranking system inside communities of color, creating common intra-racial judgment
based on appearances. “Black people’s issues with skin color and hair texture have their origins in white people’s issues with skin color and hair texture,” (361).
Further, colorism implements racism into the Black community, rather than receiving it as external judgment and hatred. “The European colonial habit of creating
color hierarchies force Blacks and other people of color to deal with racial issues,” (Robinson, 361). While colorism is not addressed as often or to the same extent
as racism, it is an important aspect that plays a role in Black women’s lives every day.
III. Background: Black Hair
Counter common misconceptions, Black hair is as diverse as skin color variations originating from centuries of ethnic and racial mixing (Robinson, 363).
With different hair types comes differences in texture, moisture, growth and length (368). These different hair types have been organized into a hair casting system,
(Nina Ellis-Hervey, Doss, Davis, Nicks and Araiza, 2016). The system is organized in numbered types (1, 2, 3, 4) and lettered subtypes (a, b, c), with 4c hair being
the most tightly curled hair, and type 1a being the straightest hair as naturally possible. While Black women are not confined to any certain hair type, the hair types
that are more commonly found among Black women are 4c to 3a. Type 4 hair consists of tightly curled hair that tends to be more fragile due to having less cuticle layers.
Being more fragile also results in less protection, which makes it more susceptible to damage from hair care practices such as brushing and straightening. Type 3 hair on
the other hand is curled, but loops in an “S” shaped pattern. The curls are more defined than Type 4 curls, and the hair has a lot of volume from how soft and fine it is,
(Nina Ellis-Hervey, Doss, Davis, Nicks and Araiza, 2016: 872-873). Of course this system is archaic compared to the complexity of how diverse Black hair is under each subtype.
According to Robinson, African Americans have the largest variety in hair than any other race, (Robinson, 2011:360). The diversity of Black hair types in combination with
American standards of beauty create a shortage of resources for Black women to take care of and protect their hair. For example, it is common for women to struggle to find
certain products in stores that will work well with their hair type. Yet the products that do cater to women with currier hair are usually sparse or filled with toxic chemicals.
This spectrum formed around categorizing hair has also been turned into an internalized hierarchy, transforming into a categorization of hair not for its type but its objective
“goodness” or “badness”. The “goodness” of someone's hair is categorized by its level of maintenance, length and growth. For example, if someone only knows how to work with
3c hair, and a customer with 4b comes in for styling, the stylist might think that the customer has “bad” hair, because it is more likely to be sensitive to damage and requires
the use of many products for moisture and protection. Additionally, “good” and “bad” hair is often used in settings where women would like to straighten, relax or treat their
hair. For example, “good” hair would be seen as the hair that can easily be straightened and does not need relaxers, whereas “bad” hair does. Not only does this binary system
of categorization overlook the vast range of hair types that exist, but it places labels of “good” and “bad” on types of hair. This works only to favor existing beauty standards,
because it places European-like bodies and features in the “good” category, and bodies and features that divert from that in the “bad” category. Labeling hair as such constantly
puts curly haired women in a position where society is telling them that they have “bad” hair.
As a result, Black women specifically, have been altering their hair in different styles to conform to these standards of beauty (Thompson, 2009). At the same time,
it puts an emphasis on people who choose to keep their hair natural and embrace their curls. In certain spaces, such as the workplace, natural hair was looked down upon
and seen as unprofessional (Dawson, Karl and Peluchette, 2019). And overall, whether one chooses to wear their hair naturally or not, the hair products, styling, extensions
and embellishments are ridiculously expensive. Though this system may categorize the types of hair that people have, it does not begin to encompass the social meaning that
parallels the hair’s physicality. According to the same Black Studies journal, “for young African American women, hair is laden with messages and has the power to dictate
self-esteem and even the type of treatment received from others,” (Nina Ellis-Hervey, Doss, Davis, Nicks and Araiza, 2016: 873).
IV. Cultural Appropriation
Cultural appropriation is an important topic of discussion because Black women’s hair is a commonly appropriated aspect of Black culture. Black culture has been notoriously
appropriated throughout history due to the racial dynamic existent in America. For example, cornrows and dreads have been commonly chastised for not being professional in
the workplace, but then were praised when they appeared on white women walking down a runway.
Cultural appropriation is a challenging concept to define, and many people don’t truly understand what it is to begin with. This can generally be simmered into a single
definition: the implementation or taking of another’s culture with which one doesn’t identify. The conversations around cultural appropriation though, are far more complicated.
There are continuous debates about what cultural appropriation is, how it is implemented and what its major effects are. Further, the discussions around whether appropriation
is harmful, or if it should be seen more as cultural appreciation, continue to be held.
Chavez and Banchara (2021) in their analysis of appropriation of Black hair and culture, frame their research through the explanatory theories of the “Oppression account,”
and the “Intimacy account.” The former describes the wrong of cultural appropriation due to the imbalance of power. Separately, the latter considers the “intimacy ground the
normative importance of expressive appropriation claims” (343), or the boundaries of appropriation drawn based on membership of a community.
Through these theoretical frameworks, the authors argue that first, Black people have a justified claim over Black hair styles, due both the functionality and the experience
with Black hair styles. They write, “unlike hair textures, wearing a Black hairstyle signals recognition of Blackness, group identity and belonging; the practice transmits
specialized knowledge, as well as particular experiences and hardships,” (339). Given the historical implications and racial dynamics that exist between Black and white people
in America, Black hair has been more than just a hairstyle, and likewise, Black hairstyles too, have deeper meanings. “The wearing of Black hairstyles is not just grounded on
past shared experiences with texturized hair. Black people also have an identity claim on Black hairstyles because of the current differential and discriminatory treatment,”
(340). For Chavez and Banchara, the individual’s past and present experiences are critical aspects of Black hair. Further, they argue that those aspects are often overlooked
when people who do not identify with those experiences alter their hair to match those who do; or appropriate Black hairstyles. Here, the context and positionality of one’s
identity is majorly influential in determining whether one is appropriating Black culture or not. This viewpoint is a more commonly argued perspective on the topic of cultural
appropriation in the field, but it is not the only one that exists.
According to Lenard and Balint (2019), cultural appropriation is not as simple as the general public makes it. In their research, they set out to define the parameters
for cultural appropriation and answer whether it is objectively a problematic phenomenon. The two theorize that cultural appropriation has a trifold set of requirements
to classify it as such. They argue that first, there must be something (such as a practice or a symbol) to be appropriated, (338). Second, what is being taken must have
a level of value to its originating culture, (339). Finally, there must be a representative of the appropriated culture to contest the act of appropriation. In other words,
they argue that one cannot appropriate something from an ancient civilization because there is not a direct representative from that culture to contest questionable actions,
(340). With this structured definition, Lenard and Balint argue that many of the accused instances of cultural appropriation, simply aren't cases of appropriation. One of
the main “amplifiers,” as they call it, or something that makes an event or situation appear to be appropriated when it really is not, is argued to be the power structures
that exist in society.
“While the existence of underlying power structures can render some cases of appropriation more egregious than others, it is not at all central to the definition of
cultural appropriation. Rather, the presence of power inequalities between the appropriator and the individual or culture from whom the symbol or practice is being
appropriated should be understood to amplify the wrong of appropriation. In other words, in the context of unequal power, the using is made worse when those with more
power take from those with less,” (Lenard and Balient, 2019: 343).
More specifically, they see existent power structures as correlational, not causational factors in defining cultural appropriation. Because the researchers narrow down
the definition to this extent, they spend much of their research looking at different examples of claimed cultural appropriation, simply to disprove them by their own
definition’s standards. Additionally, instead of focusing on the misfortunes that come from appropriation, Lenard and Balient show that many of the appropriators benefit
from the acts of appropriation, even when being called out for it. For example, when Iggy Azalea was called out for speaking with a “blaccent,” was later praised for
being able to “imitate her Black counterparts,” (345). This goes to show that even if people in power are called out for acts of appropriation, the publicity and positive
reactions outweigh the negative ones.
This notion was corroborated by a business study that highlighted the effects of global cultural appropriation on the flow of production. Suh, Hur and Davies (2016)
build upon the COO effect, or “the influence on a buyer considering a product or service from another country due to the stereotypes of that country and its outputs,”
(2,721). In other words, how branding a product with its country of origin can change the attitudes of a buyer toward the product. The existing works on the effect
identified there was a correlation between the levels of economic development in a country and the perceptions of the products’ quality based on its home manufacturer.
Further, these researchers saw that the use of cultural appropriation from economic, cultural, ethnocentric, and global perspectives generally increase interconnected
attitudes between the product and the country itself (2,728). In other words, the embrace of stereotypes for business purposes is actually benefiting the country on an
economic level.
While these arguments that promote the benefits of cultural appropriation have valid research to back up their claims, they both do not take the contextual aspects of
people’s lives and experiences into consideration when defining and recognizing cultural appropriation. With a subject as contextually and intersectionality complex as
Black women’s hair, it is a disservice to disregard those aspects. With a combined understanding of Black women’s positionality, experience with their hair, and the
social structures that apply pressure to an already complicated life, we can recognize the importance of Black hair, and begin to understand how different Black women
view their hair as a member of American society.
RESEARCH QUESTION
For this research, I asked how Black women experience their hair? And how much does it influence their interactions with the world? Given my own positionality as a white woman,
I obviously cannot relate to the community I am sampling. In order to properly acknowledge my positionality, I promised to remain solely as a catalyst for sharing the experiences
of young Black women and enter into this research with a blank slate. As someone who does not share the same experiences with my Black peers, I wanted to give space for this
knowledge to be shared, and to learn about the topic myself. This information is important to discuss because, as we know well in the United States, racial divides dictate parts
of our lives whether we are conscious of it or not. Because of racism, stereotypes and biases Black women have been overlooked in many situations, often because of their appearances.
Due to the public gaze, Black women are constricted under a set of beauty standards that are deliberately exclusive. As a result, Black women face different experiences in adapting
to and placing themselves within American beauty standards. It is important to highlight these experiences in order to encourage the inclusivity of beauty standards while supporting
the Black female community. Therefore, I hope that this research adds knowledge to the conversation about the Black female experience and allows for voices to be heard.
i. Positionality
As a white woman, I clearly do not share the same experiences as my participants. In an effort to divert from the problematic history that follows anthropological and
sociological research, I came into this project with a blank slate in my mind, determined to only represent the opinions and experiences of my participants without external
or inaccurate analyses. Moreover, I came into this project with the intention of learning more than anything else.
DATA AND METHODS
i. Sample
Throughout this research, focused groups were used to collect the data. Two focus groups were offered to the Denison student community, specifically reaching out to Black or African American identifying women. This sample was chosen to get an individual perspective of how those women feel about their hair and how it impacts their lives. Additionally, focus groups not only allow for personal experiences to be shared, but for a conversation to be had and ideas to be developed around the topic. The individuals who attended the focus groups were from many different geographical and ethnic backgrounds, creating diversity in opinions. The sample consisted of college students ranging from ages nineteen to twenty-three.
ii. Data Collection
In order to collect data from the focus groups, the conversations during each event were recorded upon the consent of the participants. By recording the conversations,
the information that was shared could be a resource to refer back to in making final conclusions. The questions that were asked in the focus groups followed the main thematic
trajectories around hair and identity as well as cultural appropriation. For example, questions were asked such as, “does attending a PWI (predominantly white institution)
affect the way you chose to style your hair? How so?” In addition to the focus group discussions, small surveys were passed out to participants that gave them the opportunity
to privately share their individual opinions. These surveys asked for information about their own hair and experiences with identity and appropriation. For example, some
questions that were asked were, “how would you define cultural appropriation” and “would you consider cultural appropriation good, bad or indifferent?” These questions not
only are used to see the individual’s opinions, but to provoke thoughts that were then discussed in the focus group conversation.
*Survey questions and participant poster found in Appendix A and B
iii. IRB and Ethics
This research received IRB ethical approval in order to conduct research on participants. Upon their arrival, participants were given consent forms that laid out any risks and rewards that could come from this research. Risks included being uncomfortable or triggered by the topics of conversation, resulting in possible distress. Other than unsettled feelings, the only other risk would be a breach of confidentiality by the other participants in the focus group, though participants were asked to keep the conversations private. No other risks were anticipated for this study. Rewards included feeling heard and represented as a minority group, as well as a monetary reward of a $30 Visa gift card. Confidentiality is of utmost importance and was maintained by using pseudonyms instead of actual identifiers as well as keeping recorded audios under locked files. In the final analysis and results of this research, any identifying characteristics of individuals were blurred in order to protect their anonymity.
iv. Data Analysis
After conducting the focus groups, the recorded conversations were transcribed and coded based on the topics of conversation regarding identity, experience, and appropriation. The small surveys that were given out at the beginning of the sessions were also analyzed and coded using the same coding system used on the audio transcriptions. Transcriptions were coded using MAXQDA software in order to highlight predominant themes.
RESULTS
I. Childhood, Family and Hair Journey
Among the Black female Denison students, every participant noted that their home life, upbringing, and childhood played a significant role in how they viewed their hair.
As children, we had to navigate everyday by listening, observing, and learning about your external world. As one would expect from children, all of the participants noted
that they started off their hair journey following their parent’s recommendations or choices in how they did their hair. “I grew up just with my dad, so he knew one hair
style: slicked back in a ponytail. That was my one hair style.” Mack, a woman with African American and Samoan heritage, did not explore the different ways that she could
style her hair until she was older because her dad, the main parental figure in her life, styled her hair the way he knew how: putting it in a ponytail. “...my hair was
solidly up until like seventh grade.” He also instilled certain values from his Samoan background onto Mack by ensuring that she does not cut her hair because it is a sign
of female beauty.
While Gisele and her sister were praised for their long hair, not everyone felt as confident about their hair as a child. Star reflects on her experiences with having 4C
hair and internalizing beauty standards as a child from the commentary that she received. “That kind of [commentary] sticks with you when you’re younger because you're like,
‘oh, I don’t have good hair’.” Not only did the commentary and values instilled in the family affect their view of hair during their childhood, but also did their parents’
ability or inability to work with and style their hair. For example, Anaya resounded how her mother approached styling her hair saying, “I grew up with two other sisters,
so I really didn't have to worry about my hair because my mom would make them do it, so my mom didn't know how to deal with natural hair. So like, she put all of us with perms,
and then, so if I didn't go to the shop and get a flat iron, my sister would literally just like this Gillian and put in a ponytail or like a bun or something. But it was usually
just like ‘perm or straight’.” Because of her family’s approach to her hair, whether that be the knowledge around styling it or simply not having enough time, Anaya spent many
of her teen years relaxing, perming or straightening her hair.
This was a common trend among participants. Many women said that as they grew older and started doing their own hair, straightening, and relaxing became a common choice.
The reasons behind this ranged from needing a faster, easier hair routine, to feeling pressure in school to conform to beauty standards.
Jayla, a senior from Columbus, talked about the difficulty that she had with her hair, saying, “I got my first texturizer/relaxer when I was about in third grade.
My hair was rough. I can just hear my mom saying, ‘I don’t know how to do your hair’ and she knows how to do hair. It was a hassle like ‘oh my god we’re gonna be here
for two hours’.” Mack also mentioned that if she doesn't feel like “dealing” with her hair that week, she will straighten it. As she began to talk about her natural
curly hair, she prefaced it with “ironically, my hair is straight now, but just because I'm lazy, like I really just not feeling it this week of dealing with my curly
hair.” Meanwhile, she also mentioned intentionally straightening her hair for certain events so as to not stand out. “...if I know I'm walking into a setting where I'm
going to be the only colored person, I'll show you my hair like I absolutely will. Because the stares, the talk, I'm just like, I'm not here for it.” Both Jayla and
Mack shared sentiments that were agreed upon in the focus group regarding their continuous navigation of caring for and styling their hair due to the diversity in hair
types even among families.
Lola, a senior with parents from different racial backgrounds shared that her mother was always supportive and encouraging of her natural hair, “She would say ‘I don't
want you to go through that phase where you straighten your hair all the time and that's what you like’.” Yet in school she would receive backhanded commentary when she
straightened, “the one time that I went to a salon, and they blew out my hair it was really straight and so silky. And then I got to school, and everybody was like,
‘oh my god, straight hair suits you so much better!’ And I don't know if that's because it makes me look whiter than I already do, look... and that's like what people
like, want or expect…”. This is different from Jayla, who prefers presenting herself with straight hair. She pointed out that this preference diverts from her feelings
toward her natural hair, but instead focuses on simply enjoying that look. “That’s the picture that I want to keep in people’s minds: my flat ironed hair.”
Though as children, perming or straightening their hair was an exciting process because of the feedback that they would receive, it did physical damage to their hair.
Putting heat and chemicals in your hair on a consistent basis can be incredibly harmful to the general health of your hair. This puts people in a difficult position:
enjoying the backhanded external validation and the ease with which maintenance becomes when straightening or relaxing one’s hair, while also coming to the realization
about how terrible it is for your natural hair. Leona, a basketball player from a predominantly white environment reflected on straightening her hair, “like when I was
younger, I was straightening my hair every single day, which is so bad for your hair. But like, I just wanted to fit in with everybody else and all my mixed friends like
we were all straightening our hair because we all wanted to be like everyone else.” Leona continued talking about her schooling environment saying, “where you choose to
put your kids really does a number on how they perceive themselves in the world.” Teenage years can be incredibly impactful in your preliminary stages of understanding
who you are as a person, and when you are attempting to change yourself to fit in, it creates a scar. As the participants aged, they noted that while their external
environment may have been supportive of straightening and relaxing their hair, not everyone wanted to conform to those standards of beauty. Several people showed their
change in mindset by cutting their hair.
Anaya cut her hair at sixteen after getting her hair permed since she was three years old. At first, she worried about being seen differently because of the change in
hair length. In the process of contemplation, she said “ok, if I cut my hair and cut this perm out of my hair, would I still be the same person that I am?” Much like
Gisele’s sister, Anaya feared that people would see her as a different person if she changed her hair. “So I cut my hair,” Anaya continues, “and I cut it down! And I was
like, ok, I’m still the same person, it didn’t take away from who I am as a person.” The process of cutting off her hair was difficult for more than reasons around
physical appearance, but the association that Anaya had between her hair and her identity.
Mack also participated in chopping off her hair despite her father’s rules against doing so. This decision was more than just a visual one, but also to claim a sense of
autonomy. She says, “I just chopped it off just because, like, I wanted it to be me, not [my dad] telling me ‘you need to keep it long because that's what we're supposed
to do’.” This feeling of connection between one’s identity, autonomy and hair was brought up several times throughout the focus groups. When the participants altered their
hair, there was general sentiments of nervousness around doing so, but also that they felt more in tune with themselves afterwards. Other participants shared finding this
sense of autonomy though different approaches such as going back natural, getting braids or coloring their hair. For the most part, in their later years, the women felt
more in control of their hair and how they chose to present themselves. “I am really interested in different trends,” Niki, a Boston native of African heritage explains.
“I really like different hairstyles, I think they’re a cool way of expressing yourself.”
While there were similarities in the experiences that these women had, they still maintained different viewpoints from which they saw how their hair influenced their sense
of identity. Niki, for example, did not feel like her hair was a part of her identity, but rather that other people placed that association onto her identity.
“The transition to go natural has been really good for me. And that's why I don't associate identity with it anymore, because I just do my hair the way I want to do my
hair and not the way other people tell me to do my hair.” For her, coming to love and embrace her natural hair was almost a reclaiming of her own identity, or rather a
rejection of the external pressure that was placed upon her to be something that she was not.
Differently, Gisele feels like her hair is a part of herself more than anything else. When being asked if she felt like hair was a form of fashion, she replied, “actually,
no. I think it’s more of my identity. My hair is me.” Coming from a background where her hair related closely with her culture and family values, Gisele was more inclined
to have a stronger association between her hair and identity. “It's part of my heritage because a lot of people are like, ‘oh you have hair like your mom,’ so it’s in the
genes. That's how I view it as part of me. It's something that I've grown to be proud of. I'm glad we share this as a family and they got it from their parents, too.” For
Gisele, her hair is more than just her, but a representation of her family and heritage as well. This comes to show the shifts between familial and external influence in
each participant’s hair journey. In other words, while family and individuals close to the participants had more of an influence on how they view their hair on a deeper
level, their external environment tested that notion though enforcing American beauty standards.
II. "Good" and "Bad" Hair
America is one of the many places in the world that holds internalized European beauty standards that are practically impossible to conform to. When standards of
beauty are so contrary to your own reality and existence, it alters your thoughts about yourself and how people view you. It is like swimming upstream. The Denison
women who participated in the study agreed with this sentiment. Niki spoke about this topic saying, “It makes me feel like they think that beauty is defined by race
and I'm like, what is wrong with you? Because like, I don't think of it that way, like I like, I think beauty is so open ended. Like, there's no one definition of
beauty.” Moreover, there was mention of the internalized dichotomy between “good” and “bad” hair. These labels stem from European beauty standards, valuing straight,
long hair over curly or coiled hair that may not be as long or grow as fast. As a result, these categories have been imposed upon Black women’s hair specifically.
Star explained the long-term impacts of this, saying “I feel like that’s something that really sticks with you because people say you have nice hair if: One, you
have long hair, and two, if it’s soft, even if it’s not healthy, which is a very Eurocentric thing. And that sticks with you when you’re younger because you’re like,
‘Oh, I don’t have good hair’. People used to be like ‘your hair is so hard, just cover it up’.”
One of the major factors that arose in the focus groups around categorizing hair into these binaries relies on the daily maintenance that is required. “I hate the whole
‘good hair day’ and ‘bad hair day’ when you have curly hair because my white friends, just like wake up, wash their hair, blow dry it and in 10 minutes, you're out the
door like I could never. That's just not an experience I have,” Leona explained. She described her routine as a more time intensive process that could change depending on
the day. “Sometimes my hair takes like five minutes to do, like just spray it, put in some new product or oil, and then out the door. But other times, like this one strand
of hair will not work. I want to cut it all off.”
Frustration and irritation around dealing with their hair was a common theme brought up among participants. “I get so frustrated with my hair because it is sometimes unmanageable
because of all the different detanglers we had to use on my hair, and that is only for [my mom] to blow dry it. Doing my hair was ridiculous,” Jayla described. Star too, expanded
on why curlier or coiled hair can be deemed as more difficult, saying “every 4C hair is different. I feel like it’s the most difficult hair, only because you have to do protective
styles on your hair. Like, I couldn’t leave my hair out for two days because by tomorrow, I can’t stick my fingers in my hair. You literally just can’t leave it out. And I feel
like there’s beauty in that, but it’s just about learning how to manage it.”
Another factor that was noted in having an influence on classifying their hair as “good” or “bad” refers back to the parental rhetoric or attitudes toward it. For example,
Anaya explained that her parents grew up in an age where the classifications for good and bad hair were constantly highlighted. She explained, “It is also in our Black community,
like my parents who grew up in the 70’s and the 80’s. They grew up in a time where it was like, ‘oh, this is bad hair’.” Mack, too, internalized “good” and “bad” hair from her
father. “You know what my dad says when my hair is not done? he says, ‘you’re looking real n****r-ish today’.” She laughed uncomfortably, continuing with, “I know what you’re
getting at, but you don’t need to say that.” Here, Mack’s dad was associating hair that appears to be unkempt with the n-word, representing the oppressive stereotyped representation
of Black people during slavery and thusly after.
One of the issues that threads through this view of ‘good’ and ‘bad’ hair is a lack of resources. This can range from access to knowledge on styling and protecting certain hair,
to finding salons that work with natural hair or products that cater to certain hair types. In a paradoxical way, resources have been allocated toward people who fit the traditional
American beauty standards. Consequently, the idea of ‘good’ and ‘bad’ hair is reinforced by the obvious prioritization of hair types on the lower side of the spectrum, such as 1A to
4B hair. Anaya talked about this saying, “me and my sisters have different hair textures so it was always like ‘oh, sh*t, let me comb your hair, or let me go get this perm so I can
easily do your hair because you have bad hair.” Due to the diversity of hair types in the family and lack of knowledge that came with it, Anaya’s hair was a struggle to work with and
therefore seen as ‘bad hair.’ It was not that they did not want to get to know her hair, but with many different hair textures and limited resources on how to approach each hair type,
it becomes a matter of trial and error. She continues, saying, “and they’re like, ‘oh you’re tender headed,’ like no! You’re not combing my hair correctly; you’re not taking care of
it correctly.”
Anaya is not the only one who talked about this lack of knowledge, products, and other resources in the conversation. For example, Star noted that YouTube videos really helped her
learn about her hair because it was a platform that could be used as a place of solidarity for people who have the same hair textures. She noted, though, that she wished she had that
resource as a child because it would’ve made her feel more comfortable with her hair at a younger age. Leona shared this experience, saying, “I think a part of growing up in my life has
been literally Googling every single type of method for curly hair.”
Without the time to explore their hair, many people resorted back to the repetitive practices of relaxing and straightening. Leona said, “my sister has thick, coarse, afro-type hair,
it’s even longer than mine, and it’s beautiful! But my mom was like, ‘the only way I know how to deal with it is to relax it.’ So, by the time she was seven or eight years old, I was like,
‘I was like, ‘ok, that’s what we’re doing. Relaxers, and straight hair’. And she didn’t know how to do my hair because it wasn’t her hair.” While Leona’s mom was not intentionally trying to
implement higher values of straightened or relaxed hair, her limited knowledge resulted in years of insecurity from Leona’s sister about her hair until she was much older. “It’s always
different because most of the time, there could be a whole family with like 12 different hair textures, so no one knows how to deal with it.”
Even in professional settings such as salons, many places did not know how to work with natural hair. As Gisele recounted, “there weren’t a lot of salons that knew how to do natural hair.
I transitioned to natural hair when I came here my freshman year in college, but there weren’t any salons. So, if you had straight hair, you were doing it right. If your hair was hard, the
person doing the hair in the salon would tell you like ‘oh, do you want to just relax it? Here’s a solution, let’s make it softer for you.” Gisele added that even when natural hair salons
exist, they are deemed unprofessional in comparison to the others. Even in instances where hair salons have encouraged going back to natural hair, it is difficult for women to carry it out.
Jayla recounted, “I wanted to embrace my Blackness so that’s why I decided to go back to natural, but the transition was hard because there’s not a lot of people teaching you how to take
care of your own hair and transition back to natural. It’s almost like they advise to just chop that sh*t off and start again.” As she continued, Jayla described the process that it takes
to transition back to natural hair, requiring multiple different moisturizers and other products.
Hair care products have only recently seen a rise in variety after years of limited options. “I’m sure we haven’t reached the full extent of products,” Star theorized. “I feel like the hair
community that emerged at first, definitely emerged in my opinion for the curly hair community. So many products write ‘4C,’ but they’re always like ‘curly’ or ‘curly pomade.’ Like there’s
never one that’s like… the only product I have that works is Aunt Jackie’s Intense Detangler.” In other words, while the variety of products is growing, it still is not reaching the full
spectrum of hair types and therefore excludes an entire sect of people. Additionally, because hair is always adapting and changing, when participants did find products that they liked,
occasionally they would only work temporarily. Mack reported, “I felt like my hair got so used to the product, that every time I put it in, it just stopped curling. I would constantly have
to switch out what I do now because my hair like ‘h*ll no’.” Even the access to stores that stock those products vary based on the location. Leona described the multicultural section at the
CVS in Granville, (which is one of the few walkable locations that stocks hair products), as “this small,” referring to the inch of open space between her pointer finger and thumb. “There’s
a Walmart in Columbus, and their Black hair care section is huge,” she continued, “so, it’s really based on where you are.” For Denison students specifically, this lack of access to products
for their hair type makes it much more difficult to properly maintain their hair’s health.
In tandem with access to resources, the prices of getting quality hair care services and products were reported to be financially taxing. “I think with people going toward the natural hair
movement, everything went up in price,” Leona explained. “I have a cousin who has an all-vegan salon in Columbus, and it’s way too expensive. The products that she recommended were collectively
like $100 and that will last me three months.” When describing the process of getting braids, she said “other than the couple people on campus that braid hair if they have time, you’re going to
Columbus to get it. But that’s a forty-five-minute drive there, to be there for seven hours, not mind you getting there and then having to pay $200 plus tip for them to do it.” “It’s very
frustrating to see how much Black women spend on hair because it’s a lot of time and money. Even natural is a lot of money and time, but it’s not comparable [to getting your hair done]. Like,
a lot of my friends have struggled and complained about getting the money to do their hair.”
As a result, women either spend excessive amounts of money to take care of their hair, or compromise by using products and resources that are not great for their hair’s long-term health.
“There are products that are banned,” Niki said, referring to an effective and inexpensive product line called Cantu, that recently got banned for containing hazardous materials. Leona
expanded on that thought saying, “it used to be a staple and now they’re like, ‘ok, these things aren’t very good for your hair.’ That was the cheapest option, and it was working, so now
what can I get that’s kind of cheap but better for me?” Especially for women that don’t keep their hair natural, the time and expenses that go into general hair care can get so high, that
it arguably exacerbates the disproportionate class struggles that Black and African American people already face in America, while big companies and brands benefit from their spending.
III. Commentary and Judgement
Moreover, the struggle that these Black women face around the labeling of ‘good’ and ‘bad’ hair, and limited access to resources, time, and money, are only extubated
by the external social world. Out of all the topics discussed during the focus groups, commentary and judgment were among the most frequently talked about subjects.
Star talks about her 4C type hair, “I should not be caring about how people see the length of my hair, or how people perceive what my hair is. But it's a mental
struggle every time I go out with my natural 4C hair because I'm always afraid of how people perceive it and perceive me as a person.” Star was not fabricating the
judgment that she could potentially receive from the public. From backhanded compliments to blatantly racist statements, all the women in the focus groups shared at
least one experience where Black hair had been commented on.
On one end, stories of backhanded compliments were frequent. For example, Lola mentioned that multiple times during the hair straightening stages of her life, being
told “oh, straight hair suits you so much better.” While intended to be a compliment, Lola certainly did not take it as such. To be told that her natural hair did not
look as beautiful as it straightened is insulting and upsetting. She said, “I don’t know if it’s because it makes me look whiter than I already do, or if it’s what
people want, or expect.” Niki mentioned, “every time I straightened my hair, the guys would tell me ‘You’re pretty today’ and I’m like ‘only today because I had my hair
straight? Ok’.” These “compliments” were often in reference to the women straightening or relaxing their hair. “I find it very hard to accept compliments,” Gisele admitted.
“I don’t know if it’s a vibe I get from the person, and I’ll say, ‘thank you’, but I’m thinking I don’t even know if you know what my hair means right now.” Though the
women noted that they knew it did not come from mal intention, the compliments were not only received poorly because of their ignorantly implied underlying meanings, but
also stoked insecurities that women were already trying to work through regarding their hair.
On the other side of the spectrum, multiple people reported incidents where students made blatantly racist comments at Denison and were consequently removed from the affiliated
organizations. For example, Leona and Mack, both members of Denison’s basketball team, recounted when one of their white teammates making fun of an opposing team’s coach for the
way she styled her hair. “She looked really good,” Leona said, describing the coach. “[The girl on the team] had googled an image of ‘ratchet edges’ and sent it in the group
basketball group chat referring to this woman. It took two weeks for her to receive repercussions, which resulted in her getting kicked off the team. I think everyone on the
team understood it was wrong except her. She thought it was funny.” Unfortunately, this is one of many accounts of verbal or visual discrimination that have occurred on Denison’s
campus, and most people do not face consequences for their actions.
Finally, Women were commonly asked questions about their hair, or asked to touch it. Lola described her experience with being approached in public spaces: “people would come up to
me and touch my hair and ask ‘oh, do your brush your hair?’.” While in many cases, questions from other people seemed to be from good intentions or general curiosity, the way they
approached it was completely wrong. There were a variety of ignorant questions that participants noted being asked, such as “do you ever wash your hair?” or “is your hair really
that long?” By asking ignorant and insulting questions, people are drawing more attention to Black women’s differences from traditional beauty standards, making them feel uncomfortable,
disrespected and othered.
For example, Mack recounted a time where someone asked her friend if her hair was real, and the entire focus group entered the conversation questioning the motives of this person for
asking such a ridiculous question. “What does that question even mean?” Anaya asked. “Like why?!” Mack agreed, “why do you even care in the first place to know if my hair is real? Why
does that matter to you?” Jayla added, “I would never ask a white woman that. I get the curiosity, but the way they say it is so inappropriate to the point where they’re being disrespectful
towards me, my family and my whole race.” With many of these questions, there is an underlying expectation that Black women’s hair is a certain way, and anything that diverts visually
from their stereotypical expectations seem unnatural or rare. Gisele shared, “it’s ok to ask a question, but some white people…like no. You didn’t think about that before you asked.
And you’re lucky enough to get away with that just because you’re white.” Not only emphasize the division that it creates between women with different hair types, but the questions
also highlight the double standards that are existent between Black and white women when it comes to knowledge and beauty.
These comments have a major impact on maintaining exclusive beauty standards, putting Black women down for their hair and creating lifelong insecurities. Mack deliberately makes
sure not to wear her natural hair when she knows she’s going to be the only person of color. “I’m just not going to do that to myself because I know the comments and the thoughts
that are going to be brought on by white society as I’m walking in the door.” Jayla explained it well by saying, “I’ll wear my hair how I want, like white people’s not going to pick
that for me. However, I just knew [that judgment] was not what I wanted to walk into and have in my head. I want to get my education.” These aspects that are ingrained into our society
such as classifying hair as ‘good’ or ‘bad’ or ignorantly complimenting someone for looking whiter, are some of the main factors for why Black women are so incredibly hyper examined.
They work to highlight where Black women divert from the traditional beauty standards, instead of celebrating their differences. “It’s just so wild to me how common people are othered,” Lola said.
Furthermore, many women expressed frustration with the expectation that they are responsible for educating ignorant onlookers. “People need to learn how to talk about their curiosity,”
Jayla stated with emphasis. “White people feel like it’s our duty to teach them, like ‘you have to help us,’ NO!” Mack chimed in. “Educate yourself. We don’t owe them anything. I hate that.”
Anaya added, “they literally expect us to teach them not just about hair, but about everything: race, culture, music… You want me to teach you this when I don’t even know it all myself?” This
goes to show that not only are Black women hyper-examined and alienated for their appearances, but they are also expected to explain the difference between the onlookers and themselves. While
people may not think that this is a problem, it is not fair to place the responsibility of one’s own ignorance onto another person. Furthermore, this emphasizes that many individuals don’t seem
to understand that a single person cannot be the representative for an entire community. This behavior is exhausting for Black women, especially at a predominantly white institution, where many
individuals are expected to speak for or represent the Black community. The emotional labor involved with managing the uphill battle with American beauty standards alongside societal judgment and
commentary is challenging.
IV. Cultural Appropriation
One of the forms of discrimination that Black women navigate is cultural appropriation. Unfortunately, it is rarely addressed primarily because it is difficult to define.
Overall, there was a consensus about the general parameters around cultural appropriation. In one of the focus groups, the majority of participants felt like a definition
that Lola came up with in her preliminary survey accurately encompassed the phenomenon. The definition reads, “cultural appropriation is adapting a style/cultural practice
that belongs to people who have been systematically oppressed for their identity and stealing it for aesthetic purposes without knowledge or care to its creators.” Nevertheless,
as seen in the literature, the definitions and perspectives on the topic vary in the field. That was also reflected in the focus groups. Each person had slightly different
definitions of cultural appropriation. For some, the definition could be broadly applied to encompass the appropriation of any cultural aspect, applying to all racial and
ethnic groups. Jayla defined cultural appropriation in her preliminary survey as “participating in a culture or cultural activity/asset that is not their own.” Similarly,
Mack wrote that it was simply the “exploration of another race/ethnic group.”
Other participants narrowed down the definition to refer to certain racial groups or acts of cultural borrowing. For example, Jayla specified her definition to clothing and
material assets, saying, “[it] is purposely wearing a specific culture’s style and constantly being disrespectful about it or giving credit.” Gisele focused on the way the
aspects of someone’s culture was used, writing, “[it] is using another aspect of someone’s culture in an inappropriate manner, different from the actual meaning.” Differently,
Niki saw it as a phenomenon that mainly existed between Black and white people, writing that cultural appropriation is “when white people take the clothes of Black people and
wear it/claim it as theirs without understanding the implications behind it.” While Mac agreed with this racial association, she differed with Jayla on which white people could
participate in Black culture.
Mack: “Honestly, I know Mags. Mags is with the Black community and supports us,
so if I were to see her wear cornrows, I’d be like ‘ok.’”
Jayla: “I’ll tell you now that if Maggie wears cornrows, I’m taking them out! Oh yeah.”
While Mack felt like there was more leeway for people who educate themselves to dabble in certain practices, Jayla had a fixed boundary based on race that could not be crossed.
These definitions may seem to vary only slightly, it is important to note the differences. This lack of alignment shows the complexity and grayness that blurs the lines around
cultural appropriation. Niki expands on this while explaining her reasoning for specifying racial groups in her definition. “When defining it like Black and white, it was hard because
for me… in high school I had a lot of Asian friends that did not feel the same way that I felt about cultural appropriation. And that’s why I kept it because they did not see it as
cultural appropriation. They thought it was cultural celebration.” For Niki, the perception of an event was an important factor for defining appropriation. Reasoning for associating
appropriation with race, the oppressive history, and racial dynamics between Black and white people in America can result in a different reaction to an instance of cultural appropriation.
Mack supported this argument saying, “I feel it’s heavily targeted towards the white community, so like, I would have questioned it if I see a white person dancing Bachata because of the
history, what I’ve been through, what I’ve seen and what I’ve heard. That’s why I don’t forgive white people getting cornrows.”
One of the main reasons that cultural appropriation is problematic is because of the double standards that parallel it. For example, often Black people will be chastised for wearing their hair
a certain way, but when a model wears the same style down the runway it is deemed appropriate. This double standard has consciences in all corners of society, such as the workplace, where people
have been fired for wearing braids or dreads. Niki talked about this double standard when describing a time where her white friend came to school with box braids. “My problem with that is that
she was celebrated versus a lot of Black women who get called ghetto for having their hair the same way. If one person is being celebrated for that and another person is criticized, I don’t think
it should happen in the first place.” Leona recounted a similar experience where a white classmate came to school with box braids. “People were like ‘oh, that’s so cute,’ and I was like ‘no.’
Number one, your hair is going to fall out because box braids are a protective style for a certain type of hair texture. But second, that’s just not your culture… So why are you using it? For
someone who does not need a protective style, what is the functionality? What is your point?”
The conversation in the focus groups around cultural appropriation expanded beyond the topic of hair. On college campuses, Halloween can be a catalyst for problematic costumes.
While Denison does not have any reports of students dressing up in Black face, as is depicted in the show Dear White People, Niki recounted a time where she saw a frat boy wearing
fake dreads attached to a hat for Halloween. Cultural appropriation is not mutually exclusive to small scale platforms though. There are far too many parts of high-profile society that
participates in appropriating minority cultures.
For example, Star and Gisele talked about the controversy over hijabs in France. “Why is it in a lot of fashion shows, you see people with a head scarf, however in France, it’s illegal.
It’s banned.” This is just one mentioned example of large-scale forms of cultural appropriation. Several times, participants brought up the Kardashians as an example of influencers that have
deliberately benefited from culturally appropriating Black culture. Leona explained that the Kardashians are the first to come to mind when thinking about cultural appropriation for one,
because of the extensive body altering changes that they have made to present differently. “It’s not their natural state, but they’re being commended, and they make a profit from continually
making modifications to basically be like Black people.”
For several participants, the emotions, and reactions that they felt toward events or situations was the main determining factor in defining cultural appropriation. Jayla said that labeling an
event as appropriation was determinant on her level of comfortability with the incident. “If I see something like some people wearing durags and they’re not Black, that makes me feel extremely
uncomfortable.” Uncomfortability, frustration and anger were the most commonly reported feelings toward cultural appropriation among the participants. Star wrote in her survey, “it makes me mad,
especially if it happens in 2022, where there are enough resources, knowledge and understanding of what appropriation is, and how people will respond. I find it disrespectful.” For Lola who
identifies as passing due to her lighter skin tone, shared her frustration saying, “it’s f*cked up, because of my passing experience, I do not wear hairstyles that belong to the Black community
in fear of appearing as someone who is appropriating a style that does not belong to me.” Even though Lola is a member of the Black community she feels like she cannot participate in aspects of
that culture because she does not want to participate in problematic practices.
The effects of cultural appropriation go farther than just evoking feelings of frustration and anger. As Gisele explained, “People are stressed and traumatized from defending their own culture.
It’s disgusting that you have to defend your culture. I think it’s exhausting.” Niki added, “not only does it hurt the Black community, but it advances the white community along the way. When
you see the way you look being represented through someone else and being praised, that affects Black people’s self-esteem.”
“I find it fascinating how people love blackness, love black culture so much that they want to implement it into their own lifestyle,” Jayla pondered, “but then are basically belittling and degrading
Black people. It just doesn’t make sense to me. How do you love the culture, but not the people?”
CONCULSION AND DISCUSSION
Throughout this research, I set out to see how Black and African American women view their hair and what effect it has on how they engage with the world.
After collecting literary and field data, the extent to which hair has an impact on the daily lives of Black and African American women became slightly clearer.
At the same time, each woman has a different experience with their hair and navigation around American beauty standards, access to resources, external judgment,
commentary, and cultural appropriation.
There were three main limitations that could be recognized throughout the study. The first was the timeframe in which the research was done. Having only one semester
to construct and carry out a research project was particularly challenging. Furthermore, having limited data also made the research project difficult. While I still
feel like this research is significant to the conversations around this topic, it is a shame that I couldn’t collect more data to support my argument. Finally,
I think it would have been beneficial to mix data methods. While the focus groups were incredibly successful, by adding interviews and photographic analyses from
Instagram and YouTube, I think I could provide more information as to the consistency of the themes discovered in the focus group conversations.
Results first showed the impact that family life and their external environment had on the participant’s growth and perception of themselves. Family members and rhetoric in the
household influenced how each individual viewed their hair. From internalizing the binary of “good” and “bad” hair, to learning how to style and treat their hair, almost all the
Black women had internalized traditional American beauty standards at a young age. These standards were enforced throughout their lives in multiple different ways. For many women,
commentary and microaggressions at school, and/or the lack of knowledge about their hair resulted in stages of straightening, perming, or relaxing their hair. This was most commonly
motivated by either the ease that came with altering their hair texture or feeling pressured to conform to the beauty standards that were presented to them. As the women grew older
and began to divert from their families, learn more about their hair, and understand their identity more, participants noted that they began experimenting with their hair.
This transition into new ways of styling and taking care of their hair actually increased participants’ feelings of autonomy and encouraged a positive relationship with their hair.
Growing older also came with a deeper understanding of the existing systems that worked against these women. For example, individuals were able to reflect on their past experiences through
the lens of the systems that oppress them, creating feelings of frustration, anger and disrespect. Despite the obviousness with which these oppressive systems stood out to the participants,
the weight and scale of these problems were too big to address as a whole. For example, little access to resources and overpricing products and services caused participants to struggle properly
taking care of their hair and/or forced them to revert to previous habits of straightening and relaxing. At the same time, the women faced consistent interconnected hurdles with the social world,
such as receiving insulting comments, microaggressions, and external judgment based on their appearances. Many of the reported comments and judgment only alienated the women for not fitting into
traditional beauty standards. Furthermore, it created insecurities, distrust, uncomfortability, and stress in their everyday environments.
One of the major changes that needs to be made is in our view of beauty. The longer the American population upholds traditional beauty standards, the longer Black women will continue to face
challenges navigating these expectations. Furthermore, in order to normalize and accept different types of hair as beauty, resources should be allocated for Black women. It was not until
recently did makeup brands start adding different skin tones to their foundation lines. Hair salons should hire staff that can work with a diverse range of hair types. Beauty stores should
have a wide range of hair products for many different curl types and hair lengths. Women should be made to feel comfortable talking about their hair without being brought down or observed
like a museum artifact. That too, applies to the judgment and commentary that they received from the public. Not only does this alienate Black women and enforce negative sentiments toward
Black hair, but it creates the expectation that Black women should teach others about their hair and the Black experience. All these aspects are incredibly emotionally laborious and have long
term effects on the women’s view of themselves and the external world.
Cultural appropriation was another hurdle that the women had to navigate. Because of the confusion and diversity in definitions around cultural appropriation, its existence is rarely recognized.
Participants noted that the context of the situation and the way it made them feel were factors for defining whether a situation was appropriation or not. The women mentioned a plethora of different
examples of cultural appropriation ranging from blatant cultural mockery to embracing certain aspects of Black culture. Experiencing instances of cultural appropriation left a bitter taste in the
participants’ mouths. Not only did they feel angry, uncomfortable, and disrespected by appropriators, but there were genuine feelings of pain around the double standards that parallel cultural
appropriation. More specifically, Black people in America are constantly discriminated against, and Black culture looked down upon, yet people are so quick to take certain aspects of Black culture
with little to no accreditation, and label it as pop-culture. Even if an aspect about Black culture is embraced by the general public, Black people still face discrimination for the same aspects
solely because of their race.
Cultural appropriation and social commentary have a much larger negative impact on the Black community than is already recognized. Denison boasts their diversity and inclusion at every chance they get,
yet lack the resources and support systems to truly make a safe and inclusive environment. Furthermore, as reflected by the United States population, Denison is continuing to grow in its diversity,
making it ever more important to take these discriminatory aspects into consideration. Participants noted a handful of situations at Denison where discomfort and anger resulted from inappropriate
behavior and commentary. While Denison claims to be a place of higher education, that standard is only qualifiable regarding the students’ grades. Ignorance runs rampant on Denison’s campus and fosters
an unhealthy and uninviting environment for students of color. Even when not being blatantly racist, students who claim to be “woke” continue to act problematically. Educating students on cultural
appropriation and inappropriate commentary at the inception of their time on the hill could potentially create a foundation for moving toward a less ignorant campus community. While educational programs
could be helpful, the only way that Denison can become more inclusive is if the students implement what they’ve learned, and we hold each other accountable for our actions. Hopefully this research sparks
interest in investigating solutions further. Especially at Denison, minor changes could have an effect on the experience of its students and the overall community. At the very least, I hope this project
brought about clarity and knowledge to its readers.
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METHODS
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-Parker, Andrew and Jonathan Tritter. 2006. “Focus Group Method and Methodology: Current Practice and Recent Debate,” International Journal of Research & Method in Education 20(1):23-37
-Swedburg, Richard. 2017. “Theorizing in Sociological Research: A New Perspective, a New Departure?" Annual Review of Sociology 43:189-206
https://doi.org/10.1146/annurev-soc-060116-053604
APPENDIX
Appendix A: Survey
Appendix B: Participant Poster
